Trapped: the Belt and Road Initiative and its Chinese Workers

(On the banner, the workers wrote “I want to go home.”)


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执行摘要

The Belt Road Initiative (BRI), China’s ambitious transnational development program, is set to redefine globalization with “Chinese characteristics.”[1] Since its inception, thousands of transportation, energy, information technology, and mining projects have been initiated  around the globe. According to the American Enterprise Institute’s estimate, the total value of BRI has reached $838.04 billion.[2] The initiative has also driven growth at home by deepening connectivity.[3] It has played a crucial part in bridging the global investment gap in infrastructure,[4] has contributed to China’s rising dominance in the global rare earth supply,[5] and has further strengthened the country’s position in global supply chains. Yet, despite the BRI’s potential, observers have called attention to instances of corruption, human rights violations, and environmental hazards related to the initiative .[6] Critics have argued that this “new Silk Road” is designed to secure China’s place as the center of a new world economic order.[7] Some have also expressed concern that Beijing’s export of its surveillance technology, management strategies, and ideology might undermine democracy.[8]

There is another, lesser-known aspect of the BRI initiative that deserves scrutiny: labor conditions for its Chinese workers. According to data from China’s Ministry of Commerce, in 2021, there were 592,000 Chinese workers[9] overseas.[10] This number is lower than before the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, the official statistics exclude Chinese workers who do not possess a valid work visa. However, in our survey of 333 Chinese workers in Indonesia, only 27.6 percent held valid work visas to work in that country. Thus, millions of Chinese are potentially employed by BRI projects. These people, hired via convoluted chains of subcontracting, isolated in their host societies with or without a legal status, and unfamiliar with local legal resources, experience exploitative and dangerous working conditions. In fact, many endure circumstances that not only match the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) definition of forced labor,[11] but also sometimes approach human trafficking and modern-day slavery.

The cause of these abuses: insufficient oversight by a range of actors, including Chinese authorities, China’s BRI partner states, and global civil society. But of these actors, China bears special responsibility. There is a qualitative difference between forced labor and human trafficking in BRI projects as compared to similar abuses in other well-known cases, as the BRI is, fundamentally, a state-backed initiative financed mainly by Chinese capital.

This report is dedicated to giving these silenced workers a voice.

China Labor Watch (CLW) has documented the following specific troubling issues:

  • Misleading or outright deceptive job ads, pre-work deposits, and harsh appraisal systems, all of which place workers in a fundamentally disadvantaged position;
  • Restriction of personal freedom through the arbitrary use of fines, the withholding of identification documents, the accumulation of wage arrears, and, again, the exaction of pre-work deposits;
  • Threats and use of physical violence to prevent workers from running away, resisting management, or contacting the media or local authorities;
  • Either enforced signing of contracts without workers’ expressed understanding of their terms, or, in some cases, the absence of any contract whatsoever;
  • Workers’ unfamiliarity with their host societies and ignorance of the avenues of legal recourse that might be available to them;
  • Strict COVID-19 policies that limit workers’ ability to pursue job options in China
  • Complicity of various parties, including the local police, hired Chinese ex-military guards, and, occasionally, Chinese embassies and consulates in surveilling and controlling workers.

CLW believes that the following five factors exacerbate these problems: (1) The companies involved in the BRI have little accountability either at home or abroad; (2) The current lack of reach or lax execution of China labor law over international labor rights disputes involving Chinese migrant labor abroad; (3) The general lack of involvement of international organizations in monitoring the BRI for abuses; (4) The political and economic stakes for China and its BRI partner countries which evidently outweigh any considerations of workers’ rights in the minds of authorities; and (5) The relative lack of interest in investigating these issues on the part of global civil society.

Recommendations

To improve the conditions of Chinese workers in BRI affiliated projects, CLW recommends that the following stakeholders take the following actions:

 

China

There are several steps China should take. The All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) must protect the rights of Chinese workers overseas by offering free legal advice and assistance to workers seeking redress from the workers’ foreign employers and/or the domestic employment agency that arranged their placement overseas. China should sign and ratify the ILO C97 Migration for Employment Convention,[12] ILO C143 Migrant Workers Convention,[13] and the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.[14] Authorities ought to enforce the country’s rule of law, and impose stricter and more encompassing regulations on overseas projects and impose harsher penalties on unqualified agencies that organize cross-border labor dispatch. In August 2022, in response to mounting pressure from the global society over China’s human rights violations against the Uyghur ethnic minority, China ratified both the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29) and the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No. 105).[15] The government should fully incorporate the language of these anti-forced labor treaties into its domestic labor laws and legislations and implement systematic measures to hold the agencies accountable for acts such as deceptive recruiting, confiscation of passports, and illegal contracting practices. Moreover, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and its municipalities should fully implement relevant legislations and perform their official duties to regulate overseas entities’ behavior. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its municipalities should also implement actions to protect overseas Chinese citizens’ rights. The establishment of special procedures, committees, or new government bodies to deal specifically with overseas labor disputes is highly recommended in order to protect overseas workers, a group that’s especially vulnerable due to the nature of overseas work, and their rights. China ought to implement special departure screening procedures for Chinese workers at borders to identify possible victims of labor trafficking. Moreover, authorities should implement a third-party monitoring mechanism to examine, control, and monitor labor rights abuse.

BRI Host Countries

Host countries, too, have a responsibility to address the situation. They should sign and ratify the ILO C97 Migration for Employment Convention, ILO C143 Migrant Workers Convention, and the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. Local governments ought to create accessible channels through which Chinese workers can file complaints (including providing Chinese-language hotlines), and authorities should collaborate with civil society to offer assistance to the workers. Officials should impose stricter requirements for employers who wish to hire foreign workers. Governments ought to regularly inspect working and living conditions at BRI project worksites, and inspect companies’ hiring qualifications. In particular, authorities need to develop and enhance mechanisms to identify employers and worksites that violate prohibitions on forced labor and labor trafficking. Governments must directly hold companies accountable for breaching labor and immigration regulations, and they must eliminate penalties on victims of human trafficking for breaching immigration laws. Authorities should impose stricter screening procedures for visitor- or business-visa applicants and carefully inspect the qualifications of work-visa applicants and sponsors. And to complement stricter departure screening by China, they should implement stricter arrival screening procedures at borders to identify trafficking victims.

United States

This report is being published in the United States, so suggestions are made to U.S. authorities in particular. Section 307 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (19 U.S.C. §1307) prohibits products produced wholly or in part by forced labor. This rule should be enforced. The Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA), signed into law in December 2021 and implemented in June, 2022, targets goods produced in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (or East Turkestan) following reports of widespread state-sanctioned forced labor, wrongful convictions, mass detainment, and other human rights allegations. The U.S. should fully implement and use this legal framework to pause or prohibit importation of goods or the use of services provided by companies or individuals suspected of using or organizing forced labor or human trafficking as a part of the BRI, as it does with entities suspected of breaching these standards in other contexts. For companies, persons, or entities that enable, participate, or extract benefits from forced labor and human trafficking of laborers, the U.S. should implement policies to hold them criminally or otherwise accountable. U.S. Government agencies ought to actively promote human rights and fair labor practices to the governments and civil societies of China and BRI-hosting countries. The U.S. should offer technical support to BRI countries to help them vet prospective projects for economic and environmental sustainability. It should also target the BRI with a robust anti-corruption campaign. Finally, America must work with allies to create alternatives to the BRI that address global inequalities, while promoting more ethical standards as well as multilateralism.

Other Countries

Foreign policy is a key vehicle for raising the cost of forced labor and human trafficking practices involving the BRI, and it is most effective when multiple governments cooperate. For example, the United States has laws and regulations that specifically target beneficiaries of forced labor, and when these regulations are implemented, the funds and persons corresponding to forced labor overseas may be transferred to other Western countries. Therefore, the EU should also introduce and implement legislations that target forced labor, and hold culprits of forced labor criminally or economically responsible through legal proceedings. As a recent example, on September 14, 2022, the European Commission drafted a proposal to prohibit the sale of products made with forced labor from the EU market.[16] If this proposed ban could be implemented, it would be a crucial step toward addressing labor rights abuses globally, including those related to the BRI. Other sanctions such as visa bans and asset freezes against key individuals who knowingly initiate, fund, or participate in the organization and management of forced labor practices is another viable path. Moreover, all countries should seek actions to monitor, track, and prevent goods produced by forced labor from entering their domestic markets.

The UN and Other International Organizations

The United Nations must condemn, pause or prohibit the importation of goods or the use of services provided by companies or individuals suspected of using or organizing forced labor, human trafficking, or modern slavery. UN bodies and other international organizations ought to investigate BRI projects for labor rights abuses and create Chinese-language hotlines, resources, and support services (e.g. legal aid) for workers. There should be better monitoring and implementation of the ILO and UN treaties related to workers’ rights, including: ILO C97 Migration for Employment Convention, ILO C143 Migrant Workers Convention, the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, and the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29) and the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No. 105) newly ratified by China.[17] The United Nations should embark on periodic investigations to assess labor conditions in transnational projects backed by Chinese investments. UN officials ought to offer technical support to BRI countries to help them vet prospective projects for economic and environmental sustainability. Relevant agencies should embark on a robust anti-corruption campaign. There should be coordination between international organizations and other organizations to condemn and/or impose sanctions on entities that use or organize forced labor, human trafficking and modern slavery as a part of the BRI.

Global Civil Society

Global civil society groups should create channels to provide legal and material assistance to victims of forced labor and labor trafficking. Groups also need to target workers through education campaigns on fair labor practices and human rights. They ought to provide training for workers on the collection of appropriate evidence of rights violations that can be used for legal proceedings. Finally, transnational connections and cooperation should deepen in order to pressure all BRI projects to increase transparency and accountability, and to sanction persons, companies, and organizations involved in trafficking and forced labor globally.

[1] Jason Zukus, 2017. “Globalization with Chinese Characteristics: A New International Standard?” The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2017/05/globalization-with-chinese-characteristics-a-new-international-standard/

[2] The American Enterprise Institute, “China Global Investment Tracker.” https://www.aei.org/china-global-investment-tracker/?ncid=txtlnkusaolp00000618

[3] OECD Business And Finance Outlook, 2018. “China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape.” https://www.oecd.org/finance/Chinas-Belt-and-Road-Initiative-in-the-global-trade-investment-and-finance-landscape.pdf

[4] Ibid., Asia Development Bank 2017 “Meeting Asia’s Infrastructure Needs.”

[5]  Jamil Hijazi and James Kennedy 2020. “How the United States Handed China Its Rare-Earth Monopoly.” Foreign Policy. https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/10/27/how-the-united-states-handed-china-its-rare-earth-monopoly/; Vekasi, Kristin 2019. “China’s Control of Rare Earth Metals.” The National Bureau of Asian Research. www.nbr.org/publication/chinas-control-of-rare-earth-metals/

[6] Mikkaela Salamatin 2021, China’s Belt and Road Initiative is Reshaping Human Rights Norms, 53 Vanderbilt Law Review 1427; ​​Business & Human Rights Resource Centre 2022, “Going Out Responsibly: Time to Take Human Rights Seriously in Chinese Overseas Business Operations.” https://thepeoplesmap.net/2022/01/12/going-out-responsibly-time-to-take-human-rights-seriously-in-chinese-overseas-business-operations/;

[7] Harald Pechlaner, Greta Erschbamer, Hannes Thees, and Mirjam Gruber 2020, China and the New Silk Road: Challenges and Impacts on the Regional and Local Level. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43399-4

[8]Josh Rogin, 2019. “China’s efforts to undermine democracy are expanding worldwide.” Washington Post.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/06/27/chinas-efforts-undermine-democracy-are-expanding-worldwide/

[9] Of Chinese laborers abroad, some came from urban areas, some were rural migrant workers [农民工], but the official figure only include those who are recruited through legitimate means. Here, to distinguish the Chinese workers working overseas, we avoided using the term “migrant workers,” since it could be confused with rural migrant workers within China who migrated from province to province for better opportunities; instead, we opted for the more general term “overseas Chinese workers.” However, many workers we came into contact with did not go abroad with a legitimate and fair labor contract or legal status, leaving them to labor abuse.

[10] The People’s Republic of China Department of Commerce, “2021年我国对外劳务合作业务简明统计” [A Concise Report on China International Labour Cooperation 2021]. 2020. http://hzs.mofcom.gov.cn/article/date/202201/20220103238999.shtml

[11]  International Labour Organization. 2012. ILO indicators of Forced Labor. Geneva: International Labour Organization.

[12] International Labour Organization (ILO), Migration for Employment Convention (Revised), C97. 1949, a convention stipulating member states’ protection for migrant workers.

[13] International Labour Organization (ILO), Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention, C143, 24 June 1975, C143.

[14] UN General Assembly, International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, 18 December 1990, https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-convention-protection-rights-all-migrant-workers.

[15]  International Labour Organization (ILO), “China Ratifies the Two ILO Fundamental Conventions on Forced Labour.” Forced labour Conventions, August 12, 2022. https://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/newsroom/news/WCMS_853575/lang–en/index.htm.

[16] “Commission moves to ban products made with forced labour on the EU market,” European Commission, September 14, 2022,  https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_22_5415

[17] U.N. Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime: Message from the President of the United States Transmitting United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (The “Convention”); two Supplementary Protocols: (1) Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, and (2) Protocol against Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on November 15, 2000. The Convention and Protocols were signed by the United States on December 13, 2000, at Palermo, Italy. Washington :U.S. Government Printing Office, 2004.; C029 – Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29) and C105 – Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No. 105) were both ratified by China in August 2022, see “ILO Member Country Profile: China,” the International Labour Organization, October 1, 2022.

执行概要

“一带一路”是由中国政府主导的跨国投资计划,它的核心倡议是用“中国特色”重新定义全球化[1]。自2013年被提出以来,已有数以千计的交通、能源、信息技术和采矿的投资项目以“一带一路”的名义在世界各地落地。根据美国企业研究所( American Enterprise Institute)的估计,“一带一路”在中国国外的项目总计投入 为8380.4亿美元[2]。 通过发展基础设施、贸易和其他方面的互联互通,“一带一路”同时也推动了中国国内经济的强劲增长[3],并进一步加强了中国在全球供应链中的关键地位,比如,有研究发现,通过“一带一路”,中国在全球稀土供应链中的地位不断上升[4]。“一带一路”也在弥合全球基础设施建设和发展不平衡等方面发挥了关键作用[5]。然而,尽管“一带一路”在平衡全球不平等及发展不均等方面具有前所未有的潜力,其所带来的环境影响、权益侵犯和腐败问题同样引起了批评人士的广泛关注。[6]“一带一路”研究还有一个鲜为人知的方面值得做进一步研究:劳工剥削。根据中国商务部的数据,在2021年,有59.2万名海外中国工人[7][8]。 这一数字低于新冠病毒疫情流行之前的水平。然而,这个官方统计还没有包括不具备有效工作签证的中国工人(例如有些工人持有短期商务签证但不能合法滞留工作)。 我们调查了333名在印尼的中国工人,只有27.6%的人持有有效的工作签证。据此推测,“一带一路”计划的推动,有上百万中国工人的参与。然而,不论是否有合法身份,这些工人在海外各国却要被社会隔绝,他们不熟悉当地的法律及当地的社会状况,因此更为容易遭受劳工剥削并身处恶劣的工作环境中。根据我们的调查,这些工人大部分在国有企业的分包商或国家投资的私营企业里工作。为了实现中国宏伟的经济和地缘政治上的愿景,这些中国工人有许多都遭遇了极端恶劣的劳动条件,成为国际劳工组织所定义的强迫劳动的受害者[9],甚至有部分人所遭遇的境况已经近乎人口贩运和现代奴隶制。中国劳工观察认为,问题的产生应归咎于中国当局、“一带一路”项目国以及全球公民社会对于项目的监督不足。 这其中,中国当局负有特殊责任。值得注意的是,“一带一路”项目中的强迫劳动和人口贩运与其他知名案例中的类似滥用行为相比,存在质的差异,从根本上说,“一带一路”是一个主要由中国资本注入和国家政策支持共同作用的构想,参与其中的主力也以中国国有资本控股的企业为主。确实,根据中国劳工观察对中国商务部对外投资和经济合作司[10] 数据的评估,在上市的中国海外百强企业中,只有6家非国有企业,总营业额约为160亿美元,仅占总营业额的9.2%。所以需要指出的是:“一带一路”项目中的强迫劳动和人口贩运,与其他典型的人口贩运案例相比,具有性质上的区别。

本报告致力于让国际社会上更多的读者听见“一带一路”上工人的声音。

中国劳工观察记录了以下具体侵犯权益的问题:

  • 具有误导性或欺骗性质的招聘广告、押金和苛刻的考核制度。这些都使工人在劳资关系中处于根本性的不利地位;
  • 通过任意使用罚款、扣留身份证件、累积拖欠工资,以及征收工作前押金等方式,限制工人个人自由;
  • 通过人身威胁和暴力,防止工人逃跑、抵抗管理层、或向媒体或地方当局求助。
  • 在工人没有明确了解合同条款的情况下强迫其签署劳动合同、签署不具有法律有效性的合同,或者在某些情况下不签署任何劳动合同;
  • 工人不熟悉“一带一路”所在国的社会环境,不了解他们可以利用的法律及其他申诉途径;
  • 严格的新冠疫情政策限制了工人在中国找工作的机会;
  • 企业雇佣退伍军人联合当地警察对工人进行监视和控制,以及中国大使馆和领事馆对这一现象的忽视与不作为。

中国劳工观察认为以下五个因素加剧了这些问题:

(1) 参与一路的企国内外普遍缺乏任感,有建立起相问责督管理制度

(2) 目前中国劳动赴海外工的国际劳纠纷缺乏及或行不力

(3) 国际组织一般不参与监一路目中涉及的侵

(4) 一路合作国当于政治经济利益的考量超工人利的

(5) 全球公民社会对调查与监问题趣相不足

 

为了改善中国工人在“一带一路”项目中的待遇,中国劳工观察建议以下利益相关方采取如下行动:

 

推进“一带一路”建设工作领导小组办公室, 国家发展和改革委员会 和中华全国总工会等主管及相关指导单位执行其宗旨,保护海外中国工人的权利,向工人提供免费的法律咨询和援助,帮助工人向海外雇主和/或国内中介寻求补偿。中国应签署和批准国际劳工组织C97《移民就业公约》[11],国际劳工组织第143号《移民工人公约》[12],和联合国的《保护所有移徙工人及其家庭成员权利国际公约》[13]。中国“一带一路”项目相关机构应该落实国家的法治精神,对劳务派遣机构进行更严格的监管,对不合规的跨境劳务派遣机构,特别是对存在欺骗性招聘和不合法合同的机构进行更严厉的处罚。同时,中国海关应该在边境对中国工人实施特殊的离境检查程序,以识别劳工人口贩运的潜在受害者。此外,商务部及劳动部等部门应实施第三方监督机制,审查、控制和监督侵犯劳工权利的行为。呼吁中国政府加强对中国海外劳工的使领馆保护,增加从中国海外劳工主要务工国家和地区回中国的航班,提供劳工包机,并建立以受害者为中心,且包括强迫劳动受害人的反人口贩运预防、保护和赔偿机制。

一路

“一带一路”签约国也有责任解决中资项目中涉及劳工侵权的问题。他们应该签署和批准国际劳工组织C97《移民就业公约》、国际劳工组织C143《移民工人公约》和联合国《保护所有移民工人及其家庭成员权利国际公约》; 项目所在国政府应该为中国工人建立便利的投诉渠道(包括提供中文热线),并与民间社会达成相互合作,为工人提供应有的帮助。当局相关部门与人员应对希望雇用外国工人的雇主提出更严格的要求并进行制度监管;应定期视察“一带一路”项目工地的工作和生活条件,并检查公司的雇佣资格。特别要指出的是,项目所在地政府机构需要制定机制来查处涉嫌强迫劳动和贩卖劳动力的雇主和工地,直接追究违反劳动和移民法规的公司的责任,并且必须取消对人口贩运受害者的不合理惩罚。各方当局应该对商业签证申请人实行更严格的筛选程序,并仔细检查工作签证申请人和担保人的资格。除了中国自身需要更严格的出境审查,目的国海关也应该实施更严格的入境审查程序,以识别人口贩运受害者。

本报告在美国发表,因此中国劳工观察将特别向美国当局提出建议。美国应该暂停或禁止进口由涉嫌使用或组织强迫劳动或人口贩运的公司及个人提供的商品和服务,而且美国当局对涉嫌违反这些标准的实体已曾有过这样的先例。对于那些促成、参与强迫劳动和人口贩运或从中获取利益的公司、个人或实体,美国应采取措施追究他们的刑事或其他责任。美国的机构应该积极向中国和“一带一路”合作国的政府与公民社会强调公平用工的重要性,并向“一带一路”合作国家提供技术支持,帮助他们审查项目潜在的经济和环境可持续性。此外,美国还应针对“一带一路”所涉及的当事方开展强有力的反腐运动。最后,美国必须与盟友合作,创造出“一带一路”的替代性方案以解决全球不平等的问题,同时在多边主义的框架内推行更高的道德标准。

其他

外交政策是提高“一带一路”所涉之强迫劳动和人口贩卖行为成本的关键。只有当多个政府能够共同参与时,其效果方能达到最佳。例如,美国有专门针对强迫劳动获利者的法律法规,这些法规实施后,涉嫌实施海外强迫劳动的资金以及人员可能会转移到其他西方国家,因此,欧盟也应出台针对强迫劳动的立法,并通过法律程序追究参与强迫劳动的人员的刑事或经济责任。此外,其他制裁措施,如对故意发起、资助或参与管理和组织强迫劳动行为的关键人物实施签证禁令和资产冻结也是另一条可行的途径。除欧盟外,所有国家也都应寻求和采取行动以监测、跟踪和防止由强迫劳动所生产的商品进入其国内市场,并对有嫌疑涉及强迫劳动的人员通过立法进行责任追究和制裁。

及其他国际组织

联合国必须谴责、暂停或禁止成员国进口涉嫌使用或组织强迫劳动、贩卖人口或现代奴隶制的公司或个人提供的商品或服务。联合国机构和其他国际组织应调查“一带一路”项目的劳工权利侵犯情况,并为工人建立中文热线,提供资源和支持服务(如法律援助)。其应该更好地监督和执行国际劳工组织和联合国有关工人权利的条约,其中包括:国际劳工组织第97号《移民就业公约》、国际劳工组织第143号《移民工人公约》、联合国《保护所有移民工人及其家庭成员权利国际公约》和《联合国打击跨国有组织犯罪公约关于预防、禁止和惩治贩运人口特别是妇女和儿童行为的议定书》。[14] 联合国官员应向“一带一路”参与国提供技术支持,帮助他们审查项目潜在的经济和环境可持续性影响。相关机构亦应开展强有力的反腐运动,国际组织和其他组织之间应该进行协调,谴责和/或制裁那些在“一带一路”旗号之下参与强迫劳动和人口贩运的实体。

国际

全球民间社会团体应建立渠道,为强迫劳动和劳工贩运的受害者提供法律和物质援助。各团体还需要组织针对工人的公平劳动实践和人权教育活动,例如,他们可以为工人提供法律培训,帮助他们收集可用于法律诉讼的适当的侵权证据。最终,有必要深化跨国联系与合作,向所有“一带一路”参与国与项目施压,以提高透明度和问责机制,共同抵制涉及国际人口贩运和强迫劳动的个人、公司和组织。

[1] Jason Zukus, 2017. “Globalization with Chinese Characteristics: A New International Standard?” The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2017/05/globalization-with-chinese-characteristics-a-new-international-standard/

[2] The American Enterprise Institute, “China Global Investment Tracker.” https://www.aei.org/china-global-investment-tracker/?ncid=txtlnkusaolp00000618

[3] OECD Business And Finance Outlook, 2018. “China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape.” https://www.oecd.org/finance/Chinas-Belt-and-Road-Initiative-in-the-global-trade-investment-and-finance-landscape.pdf

[4] Hijazi, Jamil and James Kennedy 2020. “How the United States Handed China Its Rare-Earth Monopoly.” Foreign Policy. https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/10/27/how-the-united-states-handed-china-its-rare-earth-monopoly/; Vekasi, Kristin 2019. “China’s Control of Rare Earth Metals.” The National Bureau of Asian Research. www.nbr.org/publication/chinas-control-of-rare-earth-metals/

[5] Ibid., Asia Development Bank 2017 “Meeting Asia’s Infrastructure Needs.”

[6] Mikkaela Salamatin 2021, China’s Belt and Road Initiative is Reshaping Human Rights Norms, 53 Vanderbilt Law Review 1427; ​​Business & Human Rights Resource Centre 2022, “Going Out Responsibly: Time to Take Human Rights Seriously in Chinese Overseas Business Operations.” https://thepeoplesmap.net/2022/01/12/going-out-responsibly-time-to-take-human-rights-seriously-in-chinese-overseas-business-operations/;

[7] Of Chinese laborers abroad, some came from urban areas, some were rural migrant workers [农民工], but the official figure only include those who are recruited through legitimate means. Here, to distinguish the Chinese workers working overseas, we avoided using the term “migrant workers,” since it could be confused with rural migrant workers within China who migrated from province to province for better opportunities; instead, we opted for the more general term “overseas Chinese workers.” However, many workers we came into contact with did not go abroad with a legitimate and fair labor contract and a legal status, opening them to labor abuse.

[8] 中华人民共和国商务部, “2021年我国对外劳务合作业务简明统计”. 2020. http://hzs.mofcom.gov.cn/article/date/202201/20220103238999.shtml

[9] 国际劳工组织,2012。国际劳工组织强迫劳动指标。日内瓦:国际劳工组织

[10]The Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, “2019年我国对外承包工程业务完成营业额前100家企业” [Top 100 of Foreign Contracting Enterprises of 2019, Based on Business Turnover] 2020.

[11] 国际劳工组织, Migration for Employment Convention (Revised), C97. 1949, a convention stipulating member states’ protection for migrant workers.

[12] 国际劳工组织, Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention, C143, 24 June 1975, C143.

[13] 联合国大会,International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, 18 December 1990, https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-convention-protection-rights-all-migrant-workers

[14] U.N. Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime: Message from the President of the United States Transmitting United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (The “Convention”); two Supplementary Protocols: (1) Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, and (2) Protocol against Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on November 15, 2000. The Convention and Protocols Were Signed by the United States on December 13, 2000, at Palermo, Italy. Washington :U.S. Government Printing Office, 2004.

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